DOI: 10.31038/ASMHS.2022623

Abstract

The objectives of this study were to explore the relationships between categories around the undertaking of migratory flows in order to specify a model for their systematic study. A documentary, exploratory and transversal study was carried out with an intentional selection of sources indexed to international repositories; Dialnet, Latindex and Redalyc, considering the publication period from 2007 to 2019, as well as the search for keywords. A relationship structure was observed between three preponderant categories in the literature: acculturation, multiculturalism and interculturalism in which significant differences were established with respect to selected extracts from the consulted literature. However, there was no appreciable collaborative and consensual learning among the judges who evaluated the marks in three qualification rounds, although the design of the research limits the findings to the informative sample. These results demonstrate the specification of a model in order to establish differences between the categories and anticipate exclusion or inclusion scenarios between migratory flows and native communities, as well as the relevance of entrepreneurship in the local development of both groups.

Keywords

Migration, Entrepreneurship, Development, Setting, Acculturation

Introduction

Roughly, migratory flows allude to a process of passage, stay and return that has been explained by three epistemic foundations: a) acculturation; B) selectivity and c) identity. It is a multidimensional process in which each phase and each dimension unveils the differences between governors and governed in terms of sustainable, human and local development policies, and mainly explains the asymmetries between migratory flows and native spheres [1].

The concept of migration is multidimensional, but the studies related to migrant cultures with respect to native cultures have focused on a generalizing concept of rupture, crossing, stay and return in the economic and occupational order. Many occupational studies, emphasizing dependence, conformity, and obedience of migrant cultures with respect to native culture, are destined for human, local and regional development only with migrant cooperation in services or agroindustrial activities [2]. The phenomenon of migration has been approached from an ethnocentric, polyculture or multicultural approach, focusing on the adjustment of migrant cultures with respect to the laws, values, and norms of native cultures [3]. In that sense, substantial justice from multiculturalism is the integration of social justice and cultural justice, or, the concatenation of economic, political and social rights with respect to cultural differences and self-determination.

From these approaches, migration has been understood as a process of acculturation, assimilation, adaptation, and selectivity of talents with respect to an internal labor market that demands the environment and the capacities required to carry out local development, through the distribution of the labor force in strategic sectors such as agro-industry or services. The selectivity of talents that moved from emerging to developed countries is only possible in the cases of the so-called economy 4.0 [4].

This is because the perspectives of migration have considered the native cultures as active and vital in the development process whereas migrant cultures are passive or collaborative in the endogenous development of native cultures, coupled with substance justice, as antecedent of interculturalism, the concepts of impartiality such as granting rights to minorities, self-government or political and legal autonomy, polyethics or equality dissemination guarantees among members of a group, as well as the specificity and cultural legitimacy embodied in dialogue, negotiation and co-responsibility subscribe to the construction of a new model for the study of migrant cultures in relation to native cultures ([3]: page 255).

In this sense, the notion of social justice was linked to the consequences of immigration as it warned about asymmetries in terms of rights and obligations, opportunities and capabilities, as well as between commitments and responsibilities between migrant cultures and native cultures [5].

Well, the study of migratory flows no longer as passive entities and dependent on native cultures gestate in the work of entrepreneurship and innovation that distinguish this new wave of its predecessors focused on compliance and obedience, now observed at migration as active and innovative entities. These are migratory flows with civic virtues oriented towards a sense of identity and belonging to a universal community, observed by their degree of empathy, commitment, altruism, solidarity, satisfaction and happiness [5].

The theoretical, conceptual, empirical and hypothetical frameworks with respect to entrepreneurial migratory flows are grouped into 1) acculturation, assimilation, and adaptation; 2) selectivity and human capital; 3) identity, spheres, networks, and multi and intercultural flows.

The acultural, assimilative or adaptive perspective distinguishes migrants and natives not only from the place of origin, its uses, and customs but also its objectives, tasks, and goals. It is logic of profit and utility as a preponderant and determining factor of the relations between migratory and native flows. In this sense, development policies with such an approach highlight the achievements and scope of programs based on sustainable rather than human or local development, since it is assumed that the labor market will generate and disseminate the bases for establishing the quality of life and subjective well-being related to health, education, and employment. These are sector programs and strategies in which support and incentives, as well as financing, are aimed at containing migratory flows according to the needs of the labor market [6].

In this way, entrepreneurial migrant flows are circumscribed to the inclusion and social protection policies that the receiving State implements in order to promote development in the economy of industrial production and services. Migrants are considered a skilled and specialized workforce, a fundamental part of the gearing of the productive and service sectors. It is assumed that the State must protect the interests of the natives by postponing the stay of migrants and encouraging their abilities; knowledge, and skills from and with the corresponding occupational health [7].

The selectivity approach considers that the development will be gestated from the policies of business promotion and market opening. Regionalism and multilateralism are essential to encourage sustained development and, immediately, human and local development. The aim is to promote policies for evaluation, accreditation, and certification of the quality of the processes and achievements of institutions and organizations sponsored by business development policies, as well as market-opening policies. In this process of selectivity, migratory flows are evaluated by their degree of intellectual capital in relation to the requirements of the labor market [8].

The undertaking of migratory flows is considered as a phase or instance subsequent to the implementation of business promotion policies, but above all, as a result of health, educational and labor policies with emphasis on the evaluation, accreditation, and certification of objectives, tasks and goals both institutional and organizational, since, it is precisely in these instances where the asymmetries between natives and migrants are resolved in favor of sustainable, human and local development. It is considered that the selection of the best talents, intellectual capitals, skills, and knowledge will build a culture of entrepreneurship, innovation, and success [9].

The paradigm of identity, unlike acculturation and selectivity, warns that the asymmetries between migrants and natives are due to the establishment of spheres, networks and flows since migrants establish relations of empathy and commitment by virtue of their abilities and the natives are organized rather in terms of a culture of domination. Among other differences, the migrant customs and practices are oriented and tolerated by the natives from their consensual diversity, which means, the migrants are considered as different in their traditions, but at the same time, indispensable for the development of the country. A receiver as the economy that expels those [10].

Therefore, the policies implemented from this approach recognize the differences between migrants and natives that will determine sustained, human and local development. That is to say, programs and strategies do not seek to dilute asymmetries, but to increase them in favor of the recognition, admiration, and respect of personal attributes, organizational innovations, state integrality and national competitive advantages [11].

This is how development policies are properly structured based on differences between migrants and natives, but the approach distances and approaches groups according to programs and strategies implemented at different levels: sustainable, human and local [12].

From the theoretical point of view, the study of migration supposes, without a doubt, the establishment of an agenda, which from a thorough review of the literature (that is, the state of the art, the state of the question or of the state of knowledge), alluding to the issue of migration. In effect, starting from an epistemological criterion, two major groups of theoretical discussion approaches are established [13].

Since it was about social work, it was thought to privilege the “intervention”; however, the concept of intervention has been questioned and even replaced by the term of intercession. Indeed, in the past with the Benefactor State, social work would have to contribute to economic and social development. Instead, now paradoxically, with neoliberalism in between, society comes to participate more; however, the work of social work is to promote dialogue, management, and evaluation. In other words: intercession, mediation between the State and organizations. Social work will intercede in the communication of the different actors of civil society. This is your future [9].

Entrepreneurship consists of empowering opportunities (including the generation of their own opportunities); as well as optimize resources and strengthen capacities [14]. Entrepreneurship is also a historical process in which levels of development are reflected according to migratory flows. Therefore, the learning of entrepreneurship is, undoubtedly, an indicator of development.

In this sense, social work has generated models for the study of entrepreneurship, understood as learning from actors involved in the journey and stay with an entrepreneurial culture so that, upon return, with the use of certain capital, learning, the knowledge and skills, favorably affect, in this case, in the commercialization of a product (organic coffee).

Studies related to knowledge networks, also known as neural networks, have established associations between different variables, such as beliefs, attitudes, intentions, and behaviors; in order to demonstrate a node learning (group) with respect to a neuron (or network system).

In the case of migratory flows [Exit (expulsion) ⇨ Crossing (travel) ⇨ Stay (residence-work) ⇨ Return (return to the place of origin)] is possible to note the degree of entrepreneurship, if they are considered as nodes in a particular network of migrants returning to their place of origin, provided with resources, skills, knowledge and expertise; all this oriented to investment in the local economy [15].

However, studies of migratory flows have focused their interest on the dominant native cultures by proposing laws, values, and norms are ethnocentric, polycultural or multicultural, although they limit the entrepreneurial capacities of migratory flows, they can adapt, assimilate the dominant lifestyles and be selected according to their skills and knowledge to achieve their insertion in society [16].

Precisely, the objective of this work was to explore the relationships between the categories of acculturation, multiculturalism and interculturalism reported in the literature from 2007 to 2019 in repositories such as; Dialnet, Latindex, and Redalyc in order to specify a model for the study of the phenomenon in endogenous development with local entrepreneurship.

Method

A documentary, exploratory and transversal study was carried out. A non-probabilistic selection of sources indexed to Dialnet, Latindex and Redalyc was made, considering the period of publication from 1999 to 2017, as well as the key words: “migration”, “entrepreneurship”, “inclusion”, “development” and “networks”.

An array of content analysis in order to set the agenda, axes and discussion topics related to migration was used. The matrix includes the coding, weighting of judges’ evaluations around the revised information (Table 1).

Table 1: Content Analysis Matrix

Source: self-made

The coding was established by judges who evaluated the findings matrix (Table 1A in the annex) based on criteria such as 0 = vertical exclusion, 1 = horizontal exclusion, 2 = vertical inclusion and 3 = horizontal inclusion.

For example: the information related to “Identity, globalization and equity” was evaluated on Thursdays as a content or extract of vertical exclusion, as the dominant culture prevails as regards migrant cultures disseminated in identities such as diaspora, ferry wheels or nomads. The latter oriented to equity by a multicultural legal framework that raises the self-determination of groups as long as these conform to the laws of the recipient country.

The weighting threshold, considering that three models prevail for the study of the migratory phenomenon: acculturation, multiculturalism and interculturalism, was structured as: 0 to 10 information oriented to the study of vertical exclusion, from 11 to 20 information directed towards the selective exclusion vertical and 21 to 30 information oriented to the study of horizontal inclusion.

Following the same example of “identity, globalization and equity”, it reached a score of 9, evidencing that it is information oriented to the study of exclusion, focused on the vertical asymmetries between the dominant cultures that may be the native with respect to the migrant cultures that can be identities such as: nomads, diaspora and ferry wheel.

The threshold of 0 to 10 points of 30 possible was interpreted as a reflection of an agenda, axes and content issues related to exclusion and social injustice for evidencing asymmetries between native cultures and migrant cultures regarding economic, political, social and sexual rights .

The threshold of 11 to 20 points out of 30 possible was interpreted as a reflection of a genre, axes and debate topics focused on the possibility of dialogue between migrant and native cultures with respect to human development, health, education and employment, which, being equitable, substantially improves the selectivity of talents and directly affects productivity as well as competitiveness.

The threshold of 21 to 30 points was interpreted as a reflection of an agenda, axes and discussion topics focused on the social inclusion of migrant cultures through dialogue with native cultures. This supposes a deliberative participation, whether informed or reasoned with respect to equity in terms of economic, political and social rights.

Based on the Delphi technique, the content of the concepts and indicators of migratory flows was analyzed with respect to development: sustainable, human and local, as well as with inclusion and social protection.

The information was compared and integrated considering, year, author, concept, technique and findings in order to be able to synthesize the information and expose it to 10 expert judges in the problem, who evaluated the content following the criterion of vertical exclusion, horizontal exclusion, vertical and horizontal inclusion to highlight the differences and similarities between migrant cultures and native cultures.

The confidentiality and anonymity of the judges was guaranteed in writing with respect to their responses, as well as the results of the study, which informed the participants that these findings would not negatively or positively affect their economic, political and social status.

Two tables or matrices were drawn up to show the differences and similarities in terms of the categories of development and social protection, indicators of exclusion and vertical as well as horizontal inclusion.

A model of trajectories and axes of dependency relations between the variables used in the revision of the literature was specified in order to be able to discuss the scope and limits of the results, as well as future research lines concerning the problem, the phenomenon and object of study.

Results

Table 2 shows the descriptive values of the instrument or matrix of content analysis, which demonstrate the normal distribution of the coded responses of the literature consulted and the expert judges who evaluated the contents.

Table 2: Instrument Descriptions

Source: Elaborated with data study
E: Extract, R: Round, M: Median, S: Standard Deviation, K: Kurtosis, A: Asimetry, C: Category: C1: Acultural, C2: Multicultural, C3: Intercultural; χ2: ji squared, DF: Degree Fredom, P: Level of significance.

It is possible to appreciate a consensus based on the relationships between extracts and categories, but not in terms of collaborative learning between the sources since the first round includes equal or less consensus for the first and second, but favorable for the third category.

That is, the literature consulted seems to agree on differences between acculturation, multiculturalism and interculturalism with respect to the selected extracts, but only for this intercultural category are there consensuses in the qualifications of judges as the evaluation rounds go on.

Ell means that acculturation and multiculturalism seem to be controversial for judges in relation to interculturalism. Entrepreneurial migratory flows seem to be assumed as part of a system of balances between resources and demands, opportunities and challenges, resources and capacities among political and social actors, although the lack of consensus regarding their structure of relationships, communication and motivation seems to indicate that these are emerging phenomena that literature has not been able to assess.

Figure 1 shows the relationships between the categories with respect to the extracts qualified by expert judges in the subject areas.

Figure 1: Structure of Categorical Relationships.
Source: Elaborated wit data study.
E: Extract, C: Category: C1: Acultural, C2: Multicultural, C3: Intercultural; relations between categories and extracts.

It is possible to appreciate that there are relations close to the unity between the categories established by the literature and the extracts qualified by expert judges, although category 2 and category 3 maintain a close relationship to zero, suggesting that multiculturalism and interculturalism are mutually scenarios Exclusive to the entrepreneurial local development.

In contrast, acculturation and interculturalism seem to converge in terms of endogenous entrepreneurial development, suggesting that it is an antecedent and consequent relationship. That is to say, interculturalism will emerge from acculturation and not from multiculturalism.

Discussion

Within the framework of male and female gender relations focused on employment opportunities and capacities, the discussion of the similarities and differences between the concepts of human, sustainable and local development can be located in two indicators of social development: 1) the dignity of life and 2) the quality of life [17], as well as at the institutional level regarding its lack of coordination at the different levels of government, federal, state and municipal [18].

The dignity of life refers to human and social rights as mediators of public action and social necessity [17]. It is to say, it is assumed from the social development approach that the differences of rights between men and women are gestated after both identities, masculine and feminine, are victims of a crucible of violations of their rights. This is so because, even though they are different in their opportunities and capacities, they share common development problems and strategies.

This is the case of quality of life, refers to health; nutrition, housing, education, environment, culture and longevity ([17]: 66). These are opportunities and capacities for access and usefulness of each of these privileges, once again circumscribed between the recognition and ignorance of female identity and masculine identity.

In this way, social development is the product of public and private actions, programs and strategies aimed at dignity and health, reflected in the quality of life, but at the same time part of a vicious circle of similarity (shared problem) and differentiation (development privileges). Therefore, it is necessary to have a state rectory [18].

From this definition of social development, it will be possible to derive the differences and similarities between human, sustainable and local development. It will be essential to establish the definitions, objectives, instruments and goals that distinguish them, since the scarcity or lack of dignity and quality of life is the common denominator [19].

However, it is necessary to consider that the differences related to employment opportunities and capacities between men and women are limited to the imperfections of the labor market ([17]: 66). Therefore, the policies of collection and redistribution will be fundamental to clarify the solidarity that characterizes masculine identities and feminine identities, mainly cooperation oriented to their development [20].

From a matrix around sustainable, human and local dimensions, it is possible to notice differences and similarities if the diagnosis is considered in terms of the absence or scarcity of rights, objectives, instruments and goals (Table 3).

Table 3: Matrix of similarities and differences in development

Source: Modified from [17,18]

In this way, sustainable development refers to an area in which the State generates opportunities and contributes to the capacities of civil society to reduce inequalities between cultures, localities, communities, families and individuals [21].

If sustainable development orients social equality in order to overcome the poverty of the most excluded sectors, then human development will focus on the promotion of health, education and labor rights in order to establish capacity building that will culminate in the scope of dignity and quality of life [22].

In this way, human needs and expectations will correspond to the policies of strengthening human capital through social care in general and education in particular, generating the desired social well-being [23].

However, the abandonment of the welfare paternalism of the state rectory supposes local policies focused on the reconstruction of the social fabric and the recovery of civil trust through the promotion of solidary and cooperative relations, social and economic compensations, indicated by labor equity and remunerative [24].

In each of the dimensions of sustained development, human and local, the effectiveness, efficiency and effectiveness of rights is the central issue in the state and civil agenda, deriving in cultures, races, gender identities, ages, levels of education and income [25] .

The differences and similarities between the sustained, human and local developments allow observing the inequality between men and women, among other items. This is so, because the problems, objectives, instruments and goals seem to disfavor the feminine identity over the masculine identity not only evidenced in the poor number, but also in the opportunities generated by institutions and companies, which favor a competition logic focused on the conviction of success, an essential attribute of male identity and to the detriment of conservation ethics, a fundamental feature of female identity [26].

In this way, policies of sustained, human and local development, focusing their emphasis on competence rather than solidarity, will favor male identity, but at the same time they not only exclude female identity in the health, education or labor fields. , but also confine the male identity to these areas bypassing the relative to family as is the case of paternity rights [27].

The phenomenon of masculine youth migratory flows can be understood from the asymmetries and similarities between the processes of inclusion and social protection, considering that human rights are the universal and integral implementation instrument [28,29].

That is to say that social inclusion, being an ethics, vocation and discourse of equality, not only implies the exercise of rights in the foundation of programs and strategies, but also is aimed at reducing the barriers that inhibit the construction of citizenship , cohesion, belonging and democratic life. Through administrative decentralization, social recognition, the social pact, the negotiation of conflicts and the expansion of rights for their social redistribution [30].

If social inclusion is reflected in social protection as synonymous with social assistance, then masculinities in their youth and migratory flows would have ample possibilities of being included and protected, but this last question implies social assistance related to progressivity, equality, integrality, institution, participation, transparency, accessibility and accountability [31].

In other words, social and economic rights must not only be guaranteed by the State, they must be inserted in a policy, program and strategy aimed at eradicating inequalities, indicated by their regression in terms of opacity of resources and inaccessibility of information [32].

In this way, the similarities and differences between inclusion and social protection are central issues in the political and civil agenda, mainly in relation to a diagnosis of inequality and social exclusion, as well as in the objectives, instruments and goals aimed at the inclusion of from protection [33].

“Grosso modo” (Table 4), social inclusion is the effect of social protection understood as a policy, program and integral strategy for managing demands and redistribution of resources in order to regulate: 1) social assistance, 2) social security and 3) the labor market [28].

Table 4: Matrix of differences and similarities between protection and social inclusion

Source: Modified from [28,29]

That is to say that social exclusion, indicated by social inequality and determined by the regression of economic and social rights, is reflected in illegality and labor informality, multidimensional poverty, differentiated needs, and directly impacts single-parent families headed by women; It supposes a lack of technical and operational municipal coordination fed by an absence of informative transparency and accountability, justifies social protection [34].

In this sense, social protection is the implementation of strategies and mechanisms of assistance, security and the labor market as part of universal, comprehensive policies, verticality in its elaboration and horizontal implementation. It implies a sectoral transverse condition; an institutional coordination in the coverage of needs and a control of conflicts between political and civil actors [35].

Understood as a strategy of assistance, security and labor regulation, the differences and similarities between social inclusion as an ethic derived from social protection show that: 1) migrant flows occupy a place in the integration of social protection through demographic bonus; however, 2) migrant masculine identities would only be a priority while they are in a productive age; 3) both migrant flows and masculine identities are more prone to state exclusion, since it prioritizes the sectors of the future [36].

From the intercession model of social work, which proposes the incidence of contextual repertoires on narratives and discourses, fifteen former migrants settled in Xilitla, SLP, in the Huasteca Potosina, were interviewed in order to interpret and establish the influence, they had throughout their journey, stay and return, all this in the face of acculturation, selectivity, identity and governance; as well as before the rationality: economic, multicultural, intercultural and ethnocentric, having as evident background to the enterprising culture of the EU [37-47].

The former migrant traders of organic coffee had an apprenticeship in entrepreneurship based on the transparency of the management of their micro-enterprise. Each peso was used for the development of your business. The merchants without experience in migration had an apprenticeship of the enterprise based on the specificity of their sales. Each weight should be invested in a single product.

A specification refers to the establishment of axes, trajectories, relationships and hypotheses around a process in which the variables reviewed in the state of knowledge reflect a particular context or scenario, but their expected relationships anticipate conflicts and changes.

In this way, a preponderant axis: the integrality of the public policies on the other nodes; diversity, security, activism and co-responsibility. Each path of dependency relationship between each of the five factors allows the establishment of hypotheses that can be contrasted in the immediate future if the theoretical, conceptual and empirical frameworks reviewed in the state of knowledge are fulfilled.

The model proposes the study of entrepreneurial migratory flows based on the leadership of the State through the integrality of social policies, as well as the diversification of social protection and public social security, although in another aspect, movements for social security They propose a co-responsibility in the management and administration of public services in the field of social entrepreneurship.

It is a model delimited by two political and social actors around the establishment of a business promotion system that is distinguished by its degree of social protection, comprehensive strategies, local security and openness to social demands, as well as the construction of a co-government or governance indicated by its degree of co-responsibility.

However, the co-governance or governance scheme also implies the inclusion of other public and private sectors and actors, such as joint-stock companies and cooperative societies. This means that the model is limited to two actors that, although they are the predominant axes of co-government, whose management and administration capacity is regulated by civil organizations and government institutions.

In this way, the selection of indexed sources can be extended to repositories such as EBSCO, SCOPUS, ELSELVIER or SCIELO. This would include variables that explain the dialogue between the governors and the governed in terms of entrepreneurship, mainly in terms of the innovation of development policies.

In the case of the Delphi technique used to analyze the content and its specification in a model, it could be complemented with the neural network technique in order to be able to establish possible scenarios from available data and feasible dependency relationships. It is the same case of the data mining technique, which would delimit the study scenario to a context and space in which entrepreneurship contrasts with protectionism or corruption.

Regarding the model of complex trajectories of interdependence between the factors subtracted from the literature consulted, it is possible to amplify such a model using the logic of structures, which warns measurement errors that can indicate the similarity or difference of constructs in the explanation of a problematic.

Finally, in relation to the works of [9,13], in which entrepreneurship has its origin in local identity, regional roots, attachment to the place, and the sense of community as a substantial part of the uses and customs oriented to profit and profit. Present work rather considers that it is the interdependence between migrant and native cultures that generates an entrepreneurial hybrid, and that although the local identity is its foundation, also the labor expectations that drive the crossing, the stay and the return of migrants is a factor determinant of a migrant’s work cycle.

Subsequently, it is recommended: a) to carry out an intensive processing of information in other repositories; b) adopt other content analysis techniques; c) generate integral models, that include entrepreneurial migratory flows and entrepreneurial spheres; c) as well as the discussion between the historical identity of the place of origin with respect to the labor expectation of the migrant receiving context.

Conclusion

The contribution of this work to the state of the question lies in the establishment of five assumptions that explain the trajectories of interdependence between five nodes or factors used in the state of the matter and specified in a model for addressing entrepreneurial migratory flows. It deals with the integrality, diversification, security, participation and co-responsibility of the political and social actors in the construction of a system of co-management and co-administration of resources and public services related to social entrepreneurship, business development, microfinance or microcredit focused on the localities that receive or boost migratory flows.

The discussion about social entrepreneurship, as a process of state management or administration, or, because of civil participation in self-management and self-organization, is being rethought towards models of co-government, co-management, co-administration and co-responsibility, which they indicate a rapprochement of public administration with organized civil society, but in terms of social protection, policies, strategies and programs are disjointed. Therefore, opening the debate is necessary to establish an integral system of social entrepreneurship, at least between the governors and the governed.

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DOI: 10.31038/ASMHS.2022622

Abstract

In 15 parallel studies dealing sources of anxiety, public and private, separate groups of approximately 120 respondents each evaluated different combinations (vignettes) of messages about anxiety -provoking situations. The vignettes presented the nature of the situation, the effect on people, the effort to contain the problem, and the individual’s response to the situation. Each respondent evaluated 60 unique combinations of these vignettes, rating each vignette on a 9-point scale (1=Can deal with it.9= Cannot deal with it.) Data suggest that the basic level of anxiety is approximately the same across the 15 sources of anxiety, but that the elements, the messages dramatically differ in their respective abilities to drive or to reduce anxiety. Surprising, many of the so-called efforts to deal with the anxiety, especially from the sources outside one’s family (e.g., government, local hospitals, etc.) increased anxiety, rather than diminishing it. The database (Deal with It!) shows the contribution to insights and to the social record from databases of studies of social situations, created in a systematic manner according to experimental design of ideas (Mind Genomics.)

Introduction

Anxiety is a leitmotif of our times, with a popular and an academic, as well as an artistic literature virtually unfathomable. A sense of the vastness of our concern may be given by today’s arbiter of social internet, Google, which counts the number of available websites dealing with a topic. Table 1 presents Google Scholar hits for different topics dealing with anxiety. The table is sorted by number of hits. These topics constitute the 15 assessed in the Deal With It! set of Mind Genomics cartographies.

Table 1: Google Scholar hits for the topic coupled with ‘anxiety’. Data up to2003

Anxiety pervades our life. It is the bread and butter of psychologists and others in the helping professions.. It is the topic of numerous self-help websites. And it is something familiar to many of us. Anxiety comes in such variety that the sheer vastness of the topic suffices to make one anxious, just dealing with that unwieldly richness.

This paper deals with anxiety as a situation presented in text form to a respondent, instructed to rate the degree that she or he can ‘deal’ with the situation or cannot deal with the specific described situation. We avoid the general topic of ‘anxiety’ and present the topic as something with which a person can deal. That is, we make the situation somewhat concrete by particularizing the events.

The origin of these studies emerged from consumer research promoted at first by an ingredients company, McCormick & Company, in 2001, but with a focus on food, not anxiety. That early focus led to a set of 30 parallel studies in what makes people really desire a food, called naturally ‘Crave It!’ [1,2]. The success of Crave It! quickly led to several other series of so-called It! studies, focusing first on food, then on beverages, on good-for-you foods, and finally and snack foods.

The early focus on foods also sparked focus on the approach to study situations. The major study to emerge was the use of this It! approach to study the responses to anxiety provoking situations. Rather than dealing with topics that were positive, the effort was focused on understanding how the different aspects of an anxiety-producing situation drive the response of ‘Can deal with it (rating = 1).to. Cannot deal with it (rating = 9)’. This paper presents an extensive analysis of those data.

Since the early research in 2003, Mind Genomics has been applied to anxiety-relevant situations,, such as the anxiety of teens in a doctor’s office [3]; anxiety in social situations [4], anxiety about the toxicity of house plans [5], and anxiety in the midst of a crisis in the pharmaceutical industry [6] The hallmark of these studies is the disciplined deconstruction of the issues into messages, their recombination by experimental design, the analysis of the new combinations, and the emergence of insight data about how people make decisions using the information provided [7,8].

Combining Mind Genomics with Anxiety – A Step by Step Development of the It! Cartography

The easiest way to understand what Mind Genomics may contribute to the study of anxiety is through an experiment, or in this case 15 experiments, run simultaneously, with similar patterns of elements, and similar patterns of analysis [4]. We call these experiments ‘cartographies’ because they ‘map out a terrain’ rather than focus on affirming or falsifying a hypothesis in the tradition of the more typical hypothetico-deductive approach to science. That is, we search for patterns, for regularities, upon which hypotheses can be developed. In sum, Mind Genomics as we see below is ‘hypothesis-generating.’

Step 1 – Create the Raw Material

The basic input for the Mind Genomics study is a topic, followed by a set of questions presenting different aspects of that topic and ‘telling a story’, and finally each question giving a set of answers which provide specific information. These answers take the form of a stand-alone phrases. Later the actual test stimuli will comprise vignettes, combinations of these answers (but never the questions.) It is vital that the answers, the elements, be able to stand alone, and make sense.

Figure 1 presents the 15 studies. The viewpoint of an It! project or even a single Mind Genomics cartography that there may be important things in a topic, the precision of learning will not be increased by repeating the same experiment many times, producing precision. It is better to cover many different topics, even if the coverage is more error prone because the resources are more fruitfully expended studying different topics, not the same topic with more people.

Figure 1: The 15 studies, shown by the 15 topics. The figure shows the ‘wall of choice.’ Respondents could see the available studies, choose one, and do the corresponding Mind Genomics study

Table 1 presents the three of the studies (Terrorism, Infectious Disease, Obesity). Table 1 shows the four questions, nine answers for each question, language and topic attempting to be parallel across the 15 studies. It was impossible to make the elements exactly parallel, since it was also vital to have the elements seem real and relevant.

Across the 15 studies and 36 elements per study, there were 540 elements. The 36 elements for a study were divided into the four questions. Within each question the types of elements were to be similar to each other across studies, although often this requirement some editing and wordsmanship to make the element both match the anxiety provoking situation, but be similar in form to the other elements of this type across the remaining 14 studies. Table 2 gives a sense of the 36 elements created for three parallel studies; terrorism, Infectious disease, and obesity, respectively

Table 2: Example of elements for three parallel studies; terrorism, infectious disease, and obesity

Step 2: Create Vignettes according to an Experimental Design

The heart of Mind Genomics is the use of combinations of stimuli, these combinations indicated by the underlying design. The design itself is simply a shell, ensuring that the elements are statistically independent of each other (allowing for OLS, ordinary east squares regression), and that the elements are laid out in such a way that each element appears equally often, and is absent an equal number of times from the full set of vignettes.

With the 4×9 design, the most popular during the early years, 2000-2006, a total of 60 combinations, called hence vignettes, comprised at most one element from a question, but quite often one or two of the questions was deliberated not allowed to contribute an element. The benefit of the design is that is can be automatically populated simply by a replacement table. The researcher need not have to think about the statistically issues. Figure 2 shows an example of a vignette comprising four elements. By design some vignettes comprised four elements (one answer from each question), other vignettes comprised three elements (one of the for questions did not contribute an element), and still other vignettes comprised two elements (two of the four questions did not contribute an element.) Each element appeared equally often.

Figure 2: Example of a four-element vignette for Terrorism

Each respondent evaluated a unique set of vignettes. The uniqueness was established by a permutation scheme which kept the mathematical structure intact but simply permuted the elements. This produces 60 unique combinations for each respondent. The experimental designed was prescribed by a permutation approach [8,9], and automatically embedded in the technology.

The rationale for the incomplete experimental design is the downstream ability to perform an OLS (ordinary least squares) regression analysis on the data of each individual respondent. This is known as a within-subjects design. Were there even as few as one respondent, it would still be possible to create a model showing the number of rating points that could be attributed to each of the 36 elements. That property of individual-level modeling will become important for clustering the data together to create mind-sets, an important aspect of Mind Genomics

Figure 2 presents a sample vignette that the respondent was shown. The vignette is simple, comprising simply the elements prescribed by the underlying experimental design, these elements simply placed there without any effort to connect that. The rating scale appears at the bottom. Although many marketing professionals prefer to test concepts which are full, more polished, with better production value, the reality is that the focus is on the respondent’s evaluation of the different vignettes, and the discovery regarding which specific elements drive the response. It is counterproductive, in fact, to make the vignette ore dense, more connected. The respondent ends up wading through additional ‘stuff’ to get to the information. It is the information, not the connectives, which are importance, and as a consequence, the spare structure shown in Figure 2 is ideal. The respondent does not get fatigued.

Step 3: Acquire Respondents

The respondents were invited to participate by an online-panel provider, Open Venue LTD, headquartered in Toronto, but providing respondents in both Canada and the United States. The respondent was invited to the general study by Open Venue Ltd. The respondents who participated was led to the ‘wall of available studies.’ Studies whose quotas were filled (approximately 120 completed respondents) ‘disappeared’ from the wall, so only the available studies with incomplete quotas appear for the choice.

The respondent was allowed to pick any study. Once the respondent selected the study, the respondent was led to the appropriate website. The first slide was the orientation slide (Figure 3). The orientation slide provides very little information about the study. Rather, the slide describes the topic by a few words, moves into the rating scale, and states that all the vignettes differ from each other. This last statement, viz., no repeat vignettes, emerged from exit interviews, where respondents said that they felt they were evaluating the same vignettes The reality is that the respondents were evaluating the same elements, but different combinations of the elements.

Figure 3: The orientation page at the start of each of the 15 Deal With It! studies. The only thing which changed from study to study is the name of the topic (Welcome to the Deal With It! Terrorism Study)

It is worth noting that the majority of Mind Genomics studies conducted during the past 25 years have been studies in which a third party, e.g., Open Venue Ltd., has used its panel. Respondents do not like to spend 10 minutes of their time unless they feel that their efforts are valuable, or unless there is a reciprocal arrangement of give/receive on both ends. The number of completes for a compensated study, here about 33%, is far greater than the number of completes were these studies to rely upon the donated time of respondents without compensation. No matter how interesting or exciting the study, most respondents really want ‘something’ in the way of compensation.

Step 4: Surface Analysis – How Many Respondents Participated vs. How Many Dropped Out?

The objective in this Mind Genomics It! study was to recruit approximately 120 respondents for each of the 15 studies, or approximately 1800 respondents. Figure 1 shows the ‘wall’. The respondent who participates could choose any of the studies available on the ‘wall.’ Without an artificial limitation, there would have been a preponderance of respondents choosing sexual failure, aging and war. To ensure an approximately equal number of respondents for each study, once the study reached about 120-125 completed respondents, the choice of the study disappeared. This strategy ensure the base sizes.

As part of the overall effort to balance the base size, the studies were launched at the same time, and the number of log-ins, as the number of completes were recorded on a daily basis for the first few days, and then done again after a three day hiatus. The rate of log-ins gives a sense of the interest in the topic. Figure 4 shows the cumulative number of log-ins over a two week period.

Figure 4: Cumulative log-ins for each study over a two week period. (No study exceed 125 respondents after successful log-in)

The key information in Figure 4 comes from the shape of the curve, and the number of log-ins need to reach the target quota of 120 respondents. The patterns can be deconstructed as follows:

a. Steep at first – lots of respondents are interested. Most of the topics are like that. Examples are Relationships and Phobias

b. Less steep at first – not as many respondents immediately interested. The best example is aging.

c. Concave downwards – the curve goes up, flattens into an asymptote. The study starts off strong but then fewer respondents are interested at the end. Example are Environment, Obesity

d. Linear all the way – the curve keeps going up in a straight line. The level of interest is the same from start to finish Examples are is Relationships and Aging.

e. Level at day 15 is low. The number of logins to reach quota is smaller. People are interested in the topic. The best example is Lose Income.

f. Level at day 15 is high. The number of logins to reach quota is higher. Many more people ‘drop out of the experiment along the way, so they are not counted as part of the quota. Good examples are Relationship and Aging

The second surface analysis is to understand who participated. Knowing WHO the respondent is for many studies helps only when one wants to identify the specifics of the target population either because the study is most pertinent to them now or because there may emerge a strong linkage between the results of the study and the particular applicability of those results to a self-defined group. Thus, respondents were instructed to provide information about their interests and lifestyle, as well as on their previous behaviors. This information should make the study more relevant as a source of information about what concerns people.

When we deal with 15 different studies, these studies dealing with different causes of anxiety and frustration, the patterns of who participated across the 15 studies interesting, even if there is no practical application as yet. Furthermore, the pattern of participation becomes even more interesting when one realizes that the respondents were free to select the study which interested them. After the respondent finished evaluating the test vignettes, the respondent completed a self-profiling questionnaire, telling the researcher about themself. The questionnaire instructs the respondent to self-classify in terms of gender, age, income, location where living, how severe is their experience with the anxiety, how frequently they experience the situation, the location, the ways they use to cope with the anxiety, and so forth.

Table 4 shows a reduced form, with the 15 topics as the data columns, the rows showing a few of the self-profiling questions answer by the respondent. We do not look at many classification levels, simply because the vast amount of data would simply overwhelm. Table 4 shows by shaded cells the most frequent anxiety situation for each of the classification questions. It is clear from Table that respondents have varying degrees of interest in the topic. The data do not suggest randomness. Rather, the frequency of choice of a topic may indirectly reflect the basic interest in the topic. The clearest evidence of that is the is the comparison of two topics situated next to each other in Table 4. The data speak for themselves. These are aging and sexual failure, respectively, with 123 and 124 respondents, respectively.

Age 31-50 Aging chosen by 38 respondents, sexual failure by 64 respondents

Age 51-7 4 Aging chosen by 81 respondents, sexual failure by 41 respondents

(other ages not shown in Table 3)

Table 3: The composition of respondents who participated in the 15 Deal With It! studies. The columns show the studies. The rows show a partial breakout of the subgroups, defined both how he the respondent experiences the anxiety, and who the respondent is from a geo-demographic viewpoint

Step 5: Relating the Elements to the Ratings Using Regression Modeling

The essence of Mind Genomics is the ability to relate the presence/absence of the elements to the response, using regression analysis. The fact that the combination were systematically created means that we can actually measure the degree of ‘causation’, viz., that the presence of a specific element actually covaries in a specific way with the rating.

The first step when we relate the elements to the ratings is to decide whether the ratings need to be ‘transformed.’ For most basic science it is entirely adequate to work with the original rating scales, and apply statistical procedures to the ratings. When we deal with the world of application, however, we face a problem. The problem is simple, and is stated something like the following: ‘What does a 7.08 mean?’ Is a 7.08 good or bad? What should i do with that rating of 7.08? The foregoing question uses the value of 7.08 just as an example.

Fortunately, the issue of ‘what does a scale point mean’ is not a new one. The consumer researchers often have opted for yes/no scales, and have converted the rating scale to a binary scale. Thus, in conventional consumer research the respondent might be instructed to rate ‘purchase intent’ on a five point scale, ranging from 1=definitely not buy 5=definitely buy. Rather than working with the actual rating assigned by the respondent, the consumer researcher may transform the rating to a more easily understand binary scale. The typical consumer researcher will transform the ratings 1, 2, and 3 to 0, and the ratings 4 and 5 to 100, respectively. The thus data which had started out as a simple scale (often called a category scale or a Likert scale) becomes a binary scale (not buy/buy.)

The foregoing analysis was done for these data. The respondents used a 9-point scale. The transformation was ratings 1-6 → 0, and ratings 7 → 100, respectively. As a prophylactic measure prior to regression, a vanishingly small random number (<10^-5) was added to each transformed rating. The rationale was to ensure that the regression analysis would work even when a respondent assigned all vignettes a rating of 1-6 (which would transform to 0) or a rating of 7-9 (which would transform to 100.) The regression analysis requires a vanishingly small bit of variability in the dependent variable, the transformed ratings.

After the ratings were transformed, the Mind Genomics program separately estimated the following equation for each respondent: Transformed Rating (Binary) = k₀ + k₁(A1) + k₂(A2). k₃₆(D₉.) The analysis was straightforward for the simple reason that the 60 vignettes evaluated by each respondent constituted a self-standing experimental design. That is, the data are ‘readable’ down to a base size of one respondent. One would never base the conclusion on one respondent so the approach is either to average the corresponding coefficients from the models of all respondents OR put in all the respondents from a single group into one analysis.

The equation provides a useful summary of the patterns in the data. We can think of the equation as showing the contributions of the different elements to the binary response of either I can’t deal with this (ratings 7-9, now converted to 100), or the binary response of I can deal with this, or may/may not be able to deal with this (ratings 1-6.)

As an analogy, think of a statue standing on its base. The base is the additive constant. The base can be low (low additive constant), or high, or very high (very high additive constant.) Following the base are the different parts of the statue that can be placed atop one another. The parts can be small (low positive coefficients) and can even take away some of the base and thus reduce the height (negative coefficients.) Or the parts can be large (high coefficients), or can even take away a lot of the base (high negative coefficients.)

The analogy of the statue goes one step further, namely the height can be calculated by adding together the additive constant (the base), and the coefficients of up to four elements, as long as the elements come from different questions. The elements can either add to the height (positive coefficients) or diminish the height (negative coefficients.)

Step 5: The Strongest Anxiety-producing Situations as shown by the Additive Constant

The additive constant provides a measure of basic likelihood to say, ‘I can’t deal with it’ (viz., ratings 7-9) in the absence of elements. The underlying 4×9 experiment design ensured that every vignette was populated by a minimum of two elements, a maximum of four elements, and that each of the four questions could contribute at most one element. The additive constant ends up being a purely estimated parameter, one useful to estimate the likely response to the (presumed) anxiety-provoking situation.

Previous studies with Mind Genomics suggest very low additive constants for items or services which do not excite interest. Examples include credit cards, whose additive constants hover around 10-20. To build interest in the credit card is hard. The offeror will have to discover elements which have high coefficients, elements to be added to the offering. In contrast, there are items which enjoy high additive constants, such as pizza, with an additive constant around 65-70. That means that in the absence of any elements, and just knowing the offering of pizza, around 65-70% of the responses will be positive. Returning to th example of th credit card, only 10% of the responses will be positive when the respondent knows the offering is a credit card. Again, other elements have to add to the offering.

Table 4 shows the 15 additive constants, one for each topic. The columns show the 15 studies. The rows show the key groups beginning with total panel, then genders, and then ages. There were other classification groups, but in the interest of clarity, only these are presented.

Table 4: The additive constants for the total panel and for key subgroups. Additive constants of 30 or higher are highlighted

To allow the patterns to emerge more clearly, all the additive constants of value 30 or higher are shown in shaded form. These are the anxiety provoking situations which, in theory, would generate at least 30% ratings of 7-9 (cannot deal with it), in the absence of elements.

The pattern of anxiety-provoking situations is clear from the additive constant. The big effects occur most strongly with ‘Lose Income.’ Then there are five more, ranging from obesity to relationships which are quite strong. The lowest level is occupied by Franken Foods (viz., non GMO), War, and Terrorism. Keep in mind that this study was run in 2003, after 9/11. Yet there is no free floating anxiety operative for terrorism as there is for losing one’s income, obesity, and sexual failure, three events or conditions which are real.

The ‘Deal with It!’ studies were open to everyone. The period around 2003 would see studies filling up into the hundreds of respondents. Surprisingly, however, The Deal with It study filled up very slowly, with most of the respondent being women, typically around three out of every four respondents. Nonetheless with the within-subjects design, even the 30 or so male respondents provide statistically stable data. That stability allows us to compare males and females. Females are anxious at a basic level about losing income, and losing assets respectively These are the important gender differences, viz., high additive constant, and large difference between the genders.

Step 6: The Elements Which Provoke the Strongest Anxiety Responses, and the Elements Which Provoke the Smallest Anxiety Response

The set of 15 studies provides 540 elements, each with a coefficient from the total panel showing the degree to which the element drives a rating of 7-9, viz., i cannot deal with what is being presented. Fortunately, the additive constants are similar to each other, and need not be considered. Recall that the additive constant is the predisposition for a respondent to feel anxiety (rate 7-9) in the absence of elements. Since the additive constants are reasonably close to each other (Table 4), we can feel comfortable looking at the magnitudes of the coefficients.

Table 5 shows the elements which provoke the great amounts of anxiety, namely elements with coefficients of +10 or higher for the total panel. Of the seven great anxiety-provoking elements, surprising three of these end up being statements about who will help you get through this (viz., loss of health being helped by charities and one’s company; the United Nations will keep us safe from terrorism.) There is no clear pattern for these severe anxiety-provoking elements, other than they are impersonal symbols of authority.

Table 5: Elements which reduce anxiety

The second tier of elements, coefficients between 11 and 20, comprise mostly solutions. It is surprising that the presumed help to reduce anxiety instead ends up provoking anxiety (Table 4a).

Table 4a: Strongest anxiety-producing elements

The Deal With It! studies were designed with ‘helping or ameliorating’ elements expected to score low on the 9-point scale, and thus expected to generate low coefficients, presumably negative one in the regression model (after binary transformation.) A negative coefficient tells us the degree to which adding the element to the vignette is expected to reduce the rating, below 7-9 anywhere to 1-6. We focus here on the elements with high negative coefficients, elements expected to drive the ratings down to around 1-3.

Table 5 shows those elements generating coefficients of -12 to -7. There are far fewer elements which reduce the rating of anxiety (viz., which move the rating from 7-9.) God and family and friends are the key elements which reduce anxiety. The other efforts, bringing in government, companies, etc., not only did not reduce anxiety, but rather increased anxiety, as Table 4 shows.

Step 7 – Most Seemingly Reasonable Solutions End Up Backfiring

One of the ingoing theses of the Deal With It! study is that the solutions selected would be effective, maybe perhaps strongly effective at times, weakly effective at others. The presumption was that those respondents suffering most severely would generate the biggest negative coefficients. Towards this end, the next analysis considered only those respondents who self-reported that they perceive themselves to suffer from the problem, and furthermore, rated their suffering extremely high (viz., 5 on a 5 point scale.) For these respondents we then looked at the performance of all elements which presented ‘solutions,’ or at least potential solutions.

Table 6 shows the coefficients for the elements. The only elements which appear in Table 6 are those which score strongly either in ability to decrease anxiety (high negative coefficients, -10 or lower), or on their ability to increase anxiety (high positive coefficients, +10 or higher.)

Table 6: Strong performing elements either reducing anxiety (negative coefficients +10.) The elements in the table are chosen from presume ‘solutions to the problem dealt with in the particular study.’ The table is sorted by the coefficients of those who say they ‘suffer extremely’ from the topic of the individual study

Table 6 surprised, because very few of the elements thought to be solutions to the problem are perceived as solutions. Rather, most of them are perceived as increasing anxiety, rather than decreasing anxiety. That is, the solutions are perceived as problems, not solutions. The only real solution appears to be God, which will be dealt with in the last analysis.

Step 8: In God We Trust

This analysis was occasioned by the observation that across the 10 studies where God was mentioned, most of them featured God as a believable reducer of anxiety, viz., someone or something which can help people ‘Deal With It’. Table 7 shows that in most of the studies and among the three groups (total, sufferer, extreme sufferer), the statement about God reduces the anxiety. The coefficients are mostly negative, many of them strongly negative, with values -10 or lower. These results suggest that at least as of 2003, Americans may have been become more secular, but God was still a comforting thought and presence to them across many of the topic issues causing anxiety.

Table 7: Coefficients for elements mentioning God, reported for Total Panel, for those self-reporting that they suffer anxiety regarding the study topic, or suffer extreme anxiety regarding the topic study

Step 9 – Uncovering Mind-sets based upon Anxiety-provoking Elements

A hallmark of the Mind Genomics approach is the hypothesis that people differ from each other in their responses to the various situations and ‘things’ in their everyday world, especially those situations and things which call forth emotional responses. The underlying difference among people is not new; individual differences have been recognized since the time of Aristotle and Plato, as well as Machiavelli, not to mention writers, poets, politicians, and the like [10,11]

The contribution of Mind Genomics is the ability to use a small, short experiment, inexpensive and scalable experiment to uncover patterns of responses to the everyday, working at the level of the granular experience. In doing so, Mind Genomics follows a well-trod path, finding its roots in psychology (especially those of individual differences), and consumer research (psychographic segmentation; [12]).

The segmentation approach for Mind Genomics works with the set of coefficients from the study, clustering the coefficients [13]. Those respondents in the same cluster are ‘similar to each other’ based upon the pattern of the coefficients. Those respondents in different clusters are ‘dissimilar to each other,’ again based on the pattern of coefficients. The clustering method is a mathematical treatment of the data, attempting to put the ‘things’ (here the respondents) into a small set of meaningful, interpretable groups.

The studies here featured different groups of elements, customized to fit the specific topic. As a consequence, the cluster analysis had to be conducted separately for each study. To get a sense of the different mind-sets, we created two clusters or mind-sets, doing separately for each of the 15 topics. Table 8 shows the base sizes and the additive constant for each of the mind-sets. For the most part, the additive constants for the two complementary mind-sets are similar in magnitude. It will be in the patterns of coefficients where the differences occur, generally in the elements which provoke anxiety (viz., the positive coefficients).

Table 8: Base sizes and additive constants for the two complementary mind-sets (MS1, MS2) for each topic

The elements which drive the strongest anxiety for the two mind-sets (now called Types) appear at the top of Table 9. We use the phrase Mind-Set Types to denote the fact that the mind-sets were developed separately for each topic. The elements which reduce the anxiety, appear in the bottom of Table 9. Keeping in mind that each study was subject to its own clustering analysis, it appears that there are two themes running through the mind-sets, themes which reveal themselves from the positive coefficients (anxiety-provokers), but not from the negative coefficients (anxiety-reducers).

Table 9: Elements which most strongly drive anxiety (top of table) and which most strongly reduce anxiety (bottom of table) for the 15 topics, for the two mind-set types

The underlying pattern which continues to emerge is that Mind-Set A respondents strongly to actual events which are presumed to provoke anxiety. In contrast, Mind-Set B respondents respond strongly to social institutions which presumably should reduce anxiety but for respondents in this second group of 15 mind-sets ends up increasing anxiety.

The story is different when we look at the elements which reduce anxiety (bottom of Table 9). Mind-Set Type A believes in the elements which presumably ameliorate anxiety, being designed to do so. In contrast, Mind-Set Type B, which showed the aberrant responses to helping elements (provoking anxiety) appear to be totally random in what ends up ameliorating anxiety (viz., elements with highest negative elements). Generally their negative numbers are far smaller than the negative numbers of Mind-Set Type A, suggest two radically different groups when it comes to what seems to drive anxiety.

Discussion and Conclusions

A cursory exploration of the topic of ‘anxiety’ brings up tens of thousands of ‘hits’ and many papers dealing with the manifold dimensions of anxiety. One could look at the topic of anxiety from deep inside the person, such as the approach espoused by psychoanalysis, or perhaps move a little more to the surface with cognitive behavioral therapy. Certainly, anxiety is no stranger to the world of clinical psychology, or business psychology, because of its prevalence and potentially damaging effects. Clinical psychology can teach us a lot about anxiety, from cause to manifestation to effects.

Moving beyond the clinical world is the effects of anxiety on the person’s performance in the world, experiences, and interactions with the world of the everyday. Whether this be anxieties about what a person doe (e.g., relationships, sexual failure, etc.), to who a person is (e.g., aging), to what external events occur (e.g., lose health, lose assets), there is the need to understand the surround of this life-relevant interaction. There has been a lot published on these different, relevant aspects of anxiety. A Google Search of the phrase ‘Anxiety in everyday life’ brings up 12.5 million hits as of this writing (winter, 2022.) The same phrase in Google Scholar (r) as of winter, 2022, brings up 1.6 million hits. When we limit the search to end at 2003, the number of hits drops to 155,000.

The foregoing observations tell us that there is a great interest in the topic of anxiety. At the same time, a search through the literature, or in Google Scholar (r) reveals the scattered nature of the topic. Each author focuses on that which is interesting, going in deeply. One does not have any sense of the world of anxiety dealt with in the coherent way done by a set of parallel Mind Genomics cartographies. The goal of the Mind Cartography is to systemize the data, and create understanding of the topic from the point of view of the everyday. Mind Genomics approach provides a way to understand anxiety and to allay it in a way which seems both practical and theoretical, working at the level of the granular, and yet giving a vision of a galaxy of such topics. Relevant data for the topics might be assembled painstakingly from the published literature, but without a coherent set of raw data underlying the studies. With Mind Genomics, a few weeks, and a modest budget, the entire study can be repeated. The integrated database of the granular aspects of daily experience promote new-to-the-world discoveries, easily found, analyzed, synthesized, and integrated in both current thinking and visions of new vistas.

Acknowledgments

The author would like to acknowledge the early collaborations with Jacqueline H. Beckley and Hollis Ashman (deceased), which led to the IT! studies, one of which was Deal With It! presented here.

References

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DOI: 10.31038/ASMHS.2022615

Abstract

Corporate governance as a knowledge management system has been approached from the organizational reputation as a result of alliances with institutions. In the health sector, the demand for quality service has led to a system of professional internships and deregulated social service in which the image of the universities and health centers involved is in question. The objective of the present work was to contrast a model for the study of the phenomenon with the intention of specifying the relationships between variables. A non-experimental, exploratory and cross-sectional study was carried out with a non-probabilistic and intentional sample of 1018 administrators, professionals and students from the health sector. It was found that the case monitoring factor reflected the image of universities as trainers of intellectual capital by competencies. In relation to the consulted literature, lines of research are proposed to specify the model.

Keywords

Corporation, Training, Reputation, Competencies, Responsibility

Introduction

Within the framework of human development, health is a fundamental item for observing the corporate reputation of the School and Faculties of Social Work, understanding that it is about expectations of users, administrators, professionals and students regarding the quality of service public and depending on spending on prevention and care [1].

Mexico occupies the third last place in terms of health, public, social works, prepayments, out-of-pocket expenses, among other items related to prevention and care, which add up to 6% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) [2].

The corporate reputation of Public Health Institutions (ISP) and Higher Education Institutions (HEI) can be established if spending is associated with user expectations [3]. The 2015 economic census and the survey on the quality of public services note a medium and low performance of public centers and hospitals [4].

The average expenditure on medications and medical consultation is in second place once food and personal hydration have been paid for [5].

If it is considered that spending on hydration accounts for 20% of income for the popular, marginalized and excluded sectors, the prevention of diseases transmitted by hydration, when associated with spending on professional medical care, as well as on medicines, accounts for 40% for areas peri-urban areas from where they move to central cities to work, study or seek employment and education opportunities [6].

Regarding the formation of intellectual capital, Mexico occupies the penultimate place in the OECD in terms of adolescents and young people who do not have access to study or work, which is added to 14% of expectations of low quality of public education [6].

It is possible to infer that the reputation of corporate governance, health and medical assistance institutions, as well as the formation of intellectual capital, are on the decline, and a diagnosis of the HEIs that train health professionals is urgent, among which are the Schools and Faculties of Social Work [7].

Corporate Reputation Theory

Figure 1 shows the theoretical and conceptual frameworks that explain corporate reputation understood as the expectations of employees, directors and clients alluding to effective responses to environmental contingencies, context requirements or social demands [8].

Figure 1: Corporate Reputation Theory.
TPI = Stakeholder Theory, TLT = Transformative Leadership Theory, TDP = Prospective Decision Theory: NM = Norms, VS = Values, CR = Beliefs, AC = Attitudes, PC = Perceptions, IN = Intentions, CM = Behaviors
Source: Self made.

The Stakeholders Theory warns that employees, shareholders, leaders and clients not only have a direct and significant participation in the company but also confront peripheral actors such as protesters, the media or institutions that seek to counteract the prestige of the company. institution in order to increase its credibility and position itself in the market [9].

Around the conflict between the interested parties and external factors to public health institutions, corporate governance is created as a shield of empathy, trust, commitment and satisfaction that guarantees the union of shareholders, leaders, employees and clients against the environmental threats, but it is in terms of reputation and prestige that differences and similarities between internal and external actors are resolved [10].

However, it is known that adhocratic organizational cultures, as well as traditional leadership, promote internal asymmetries in the face of external threats to the detriment of corporate reputation and prestige [11].

It will be the transforming cultures and leaderships who will manage knowledge to establish competitive advantages in the formation of intangible assets such as training and training of intellectual capital, future artificial and emotional intelligence cadres that will be decisive in entrepreneurship and innovation [12].

In such a context and scenario of cultures and transformative leaderships, decision makers are oriented towards vision and prospective missions as a second competitive advantage coupled with the formation of intangible assets [13].

This is the case of strategic alliances and knowledge management between HEIs and community, public or collective health institutions where systems of professional practices and social service are established in order to train future health professionals, among whom are social workers [14].

The Theory of Prospective Decisions posits that organizations prefer intentions and decisions aimed at maximizing risks and profits over strategies to reduce risks and reduce benefits [15].

In the case of the formation of human capital, a prospective decision suggests risks in the formation with high benefits in the prestige and reputation of the HEI or the health center. These are early professional internship strategies for students who have not covered the minimum credits, or social services who have not accredited seminars or basic subjects [16].

Another aspect to consider refers to the lack of resources for the hiring of professionals and the employment of interns and social workers to remedy the deficit of attention to public health services, or their use in health promotion, campaigns of prevention or allocation of medications to vulnerable groups [17].

In sum, stakeholder theory, transformational leadership theory, and prospective decision theory suggest the need for a comprehensive, specific, and up-to-date diagnosis of corporate governance, reputation, and institutional prestige, as well as expectations. of shareholders, directors, talents and users of HEIs in strategic alliances with collective health centers [18].

Given that corporate governance in general and training reputation and prestige in particular are little studied objects in the HEIs where the Schools and Faculties of Social Work are located, it is necessary to carry out a comprehensive diagnosis of the skills of future professionals with the purpose of inferring the intangible value of public universities in strategic alliances with health centers, as well as their differences and similarities in terms of professional skills [19].

Formulation

Will there be significant differences between HEIs in central, western and northern Mexico in terms of training skills for health services?

Hypothesis

Null Hypothesis

There will be significant differences between the HEIs studied with respect to the professional training of skills for public health services

Alternate Hypothesis

There will be no significant differences between the study HEIs regarding the professional training of skills for public health services

Method

An exploratory study was carried out with a sample of students, directors and professionals of the Social Work of Health in HEIs in the center, west and northeast of Mexico, considering their affiliation to a public university with an internship system in health centers, accreditation of the minimum percentage for social service and professional practices (Table 1).

Table 1: Descriptions of the study sample

Source: Prepared with study data

The Corporate Reputation Scale (ERC-28) was built based on items selected from the consulted literature, which measured expectations of the parties involved regarding objectives, tasks and goals related to entrepreneurial and innovative knowledge skills such as collaborative work. professional (Table 2).

Table 2: Construction of the ERC-28

Source: Self made

The surveys were carried out in the facilities of the HEIs and health centers with a prior written guarantee of confidentiality, anonymity and non-affectation of the results. The information was processed in the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS version 25.0).

Reliability and validity analyzes of the instrument, hypothesis tests for differences between groups, as well as correlations, general linear models and structural equation models were carried out to establish the trajectories of dependency relationships between the variables and indicators of the ERC-15.

The following parameters were estimated: 1) mean, 2) standard deviation, 3) bias, 4) kurtosis, 5) asymmetry, 6) Crombach ‘s alpha , 7) Student’s t – test, 8) analysis of variance F-test, 9) KMO test, 10) Bartlett test, 11) Pearson correlations, 12) beta regressions, 13) goodness of fit, and 14) residuals.

Results

Table 3 shows the statistical properties of the ERC-28 in which reliability alpha values higher than the indispensable minimum of .700 are observed for the general instrument (alpha of .780) and the subscales (respective alphas of .776; .781); .756; .790; .719; .750; .732).

Table 3: Descriptives of the CKD-28

R=Reactive, M=Mean, D=Standard Deviation, S=Skew, C=Kurtosis, A=Alpha removing the value of the item. Adequacy (KMO=.732), Sphericity ⌠X2=23.6 (5df) p=.000⌡Extraction method: principal axes, rotation: promax. F1=Accompaniment (18% of the total variance explained), F2=Adherence (17% of the total variance explained), F3=Advice (15% of the total variance explained), F4=Interview (13% of the total variance explained), F5=Mediation (11% of the total variance explained), F6=Promotion (8% of the total variance explained), F7=Follow-up (5% of the total variance explained). All items are answered with one of five options: 0=“not at all likely” to 5=“quite likely”.
Source: Self made.

The correlation matrix shows discriminant validity by including values close to zero, but the covariance matrix warns of the possibility of excluding other factors due to values close to unity (Table 4).

Table 4: Correlation and covariance matrices

F1=Accompaniment, F2=Adhesion, F3=Counseling, F4=Interview, F5=Mediation, F6=Promotion, F7=Follow-up: * p <.01; ** p <.001; *** p <.0001.
Source: Prepared with study data.

The sum of the percentages of explained variance (87%) revealed the preponderance of seven factors that can converge in a common factor of the second order (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Structural model of trajectories of dependency and reflective relationships.
C = Corporate Reputation: F1 = Accompaniment, F2 = Adhesion, F3 = Advice, F4 = Interview, F5 = Mediation, F6 = Promotion, F7 = Follow-up; r = Reactive, d = Disturbance, e = Measurement error
Source: Prepared with study data.

The second-order factor related to corporate reputation included the eight first-order factors established from the review of the literature. The structural model included as a reflective factor the competence of case follow-up (.67). In other words, the corporate reputation of the social work public service is centered on the academic and administrative training of monitoring skills rather than on the skills of support, adherence, advice, interview, mediation and health promotion.

The fit and residual parameters ⌠X²=345.23 (56df) p=.008; GFI=.997; CFI=.990; NFI=.995; RMSEA=.009; RMR=.007⌡ suggest the non-rejection of the null hypothesis regarding the differences between the competencies reviewed in the literature with respect to the structural model.

Discussion

The present work has established the contrast of a model for the study of seven exploratory factorial dimensions of corporate reputation in HEIs in central, western and northern Mexico, although the type of non-experimental study, the type of intentional selection and the type of exploratory factor analysis limit the results to the study sample, suggesting lines of research and intervention related to the follow-up of cases as a factor reflecting the organizational phenomenon.

[1,3,19-28] contrasted models to observe corporate reputation in its reflective dimensions: 1) aversive or entrepreneurship and real innovation of the organization; 3) responsive or ecological footprint of the organizational production; 3) prospective or expected future of the organization, concluding that organizations seem to go through a process that goes from aversion to risks indicated by cultures, leaderships and adhocratic climates towards a propensity for the future indicated by cultures, leaderships and conciliatory climates of the organization image of collaborative knowledge networks.

In the present work, an exploratory model of seven factors has been contrasted in which the institutional follow-up of user cases is the hallmark of HEIs that, in alliance with health centers, train future operational-administrative cadres. The factor reflecting the follow-up of cases is part of the dimension of responsiveness cited in the literature.

Therefore, it is necessary to: a) build an instrument to explore the indicators of the responsive dimension as a preponderant factor of corporate reputation; b) contrast an exploratory model in order to establish the convergent and divergent validity of the scale; c) associate the responsive dimension with the aversive and prospective dimensions in order to build an integral model.

Conclusion

The present work has contrasted a model of seven dimensions reflecting the reputation of HEIs specialized in Social Work in Health, which is centered on the competence of case follow-up. In relation to the findings reported in the literature, the model can be specified in the responsive dimension, this being the one that would explain the distance or closeness that the respondents refer to as the competitive advantage of their academic and professional training.

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